Sascha
O. Becker, Marc-Andreas Muendler, U Warwick and CEPR: Trade and Tasks: An
Exploration over Three Decades in Germany. This paper combines representative worker-level data
that cover time-varying job-level task characteristics of an economy over
several decades with sector-level bilateral trade data for merchandise and
services. We carefully create longitudinally consistent workplace
characteristics from the German Qualification and Career Survey 1979-2006 and
prepare trade flow statistics from varying sources. Four main facts emerge: (i)
intermediate inputs constitute a major share of imports and dominate German
imports since at least the 1970s; (ii) the German workforce increasingly
specializes in workplace activities and job requirements that are typically considered
non-offshorable, mainly within and not between sectors and occupations; (iii) the
imputed activity and job requirement content of German imports grows relatively
more intensive in work characteristics typically considered offshorable; and
(iv) labour-market institutions at German trade partners are largely unrelated
to the changing task content of German imports but German sector-level outcomes
exhibit some covariation consistent with faster task offshoring in sectors
exposed to lower labour-market tightness.
David
J. Deming, NBER: The Growing Importance of Social Skills in the Labor Market. The slow growth of high-paying jobs in the U.S.
since 2000 and rapid advances in computer technology have sparked fears that
human labor will eventually be rendered obsolete. Yet while computers perform
cognitive tasks of rapidly increasing complexity, simple human interaction has
proven difficult to automate. In this paper, I show that the labor market
increasingly rewards social skills. Since 1980, jobs with high social skill
requirements have experienced greater relative growth throughout the wage
distribution. Moreover, employment and wage growth has been strongest in jobs
that require high levels of both cognitive skill and social skill. To
understand these patterns, I develop a model of team production where workers
“trade tasks” to exploit their comparative advantage. In the model, social
skills reduce coordination costs, allowing workers to specialize and trade more
efficiently. The model generates predictions about sorting and the relative
returns to skill across occupations, which I test and confirm using data from
the NLSY79. The female advantage in social skills may have played some role in
the narrowing of gender gaps in labor market outcomes since 1980.
John Gibson et al, IZA: The
Long-Term Impacts of International Migration: Evidence from a Lottery. We examine the long-term impacts of international
migration by comparing immigrants who had successful ballot entries in a
migration lottery program, and first moved almost a decade ago, with people who
had unsuccessful entries into those same ballots. The long-term gain in income
is found to be similar in magnitude to the gain in the first year, despite
migrants upgrading their education and changing their locations and
occupations. This results in large sustained benefits to their immediate
family, who have substantially higher consumption, durable asset ownership,
savings, and dietary diversity. In contrast we find no measureable impact on
extended family.
Giacomo
De Giorgi, Maxim Pinkovskiy, NY FED: Health Inequality. The income gradient of health is increasing over the
time period considered: in 1989, a 10 percent increase in personal income (at
the county level) would be associated with an increase in life expectancy of
about 0.29 years; the same association increases to 0.57 years in 2007. From this result, we conclude that raising
life expectancy out of the lower tail would be a much more welfare-improving
intervention than fully equalizing consumption. (We get analogous results if we
ask by how much the decision maker would need to have all consumption levels
raised in order to be indifferent between the current consumption and life
expectancy distribution and the proposed intervention).
Carol
Graham, Julia Ruiz Pozuelo, Brookings: Is happiness just a matter of waiting
for the right age?
Happiness declines with age for about two decades from early adulthood up until
roughly the middle-age years, and then turns upward and increases with age.
Although the exact shape differs across countries, the bottom of the curve (or,
the nadir of happiness) ranges from 40 to 60 plus years old. We explored how
this relationship varies across countries throughout the world, based on
nationally representative household surveys, again from Gallup data
(2005-2014), with observations per country pooled over the years, with an
average of 6,400 observations per country. We find that curves turn earlier in
happier places. This means that in those places, people have more happy life
years on average. Examples of this are Australia, the United Kingdom, or
Denmark, where turning points are around 44 years old. By contrast, countries that rank among the
lowest in happiness, such as Russia, Poland, and Kosovo, have curves with
higher turning points—from 61 to as high as 75 years in Russia! Even more
worrisome is the fact that these countries also exhibit lower life expectancy
(from 71 years in Russia and Kosovo to 77 in Poland), which means that there is
just less happy life overall.
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